"Your great-uncle shot my third cousin!"
Updated: Aug 5, 2023
Just over a hundred years ago, in late August 1921, the largest armed insurrection since the Civil War erupted not far from where I grew up. Ten thousand coal miners who were attempting to unionize the coal fields took up arms in Logan County, West Virginia, and were met by three thousand armed men working for the coal operators. (John Sayles' excellent movie Matewan, filmed near there, tells the story of the events that led up to the conflict.) The fight lasted five days and came to be known as the Battle of Blair Mountain.
At the time, coal towns were operated as fiefdoms of the operators, who controlled every aspect of life there. They quickly and ruthlessly smothered any talk of unions. Miners were kept on a short leash economically, paid in private money called "scrip" that was only good in stores owned by the particular company that owned the mine.
Roads were bad or nonexistent and few miners owned cars anyway. A miner could be fired and evicted from their company-owned house for any reason, or no reason, their possessions thrown on the side of the dirt road as an example to anyone else who might breathe the word union. From their point of view, miners had little to lose in trying to organize.
More than a million shots were fired during the Battle of Blair Mountain, with a hundred men killed and many more wounded and arrested. The battle only ended when President Harding sent in the National Guard to quell the rebellion. Airplanes swooped low to drop bombs on the miners. The miners ceased firing, unwilling to shoot at the US Army.
The battle was a huge victory for the coal operators. In the next few years, the United Mine Workers Union lost 80% of its members, and wouldn't begin to recover until the union-friendly Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. The union shifted its focus from direct confrontation with mine owners toward political strategies instead, beginning a long period of ascension for the union, which peaked in the 1950s and 60s.
Since then, and accelerated by both sharp production declines in the coal industry and the fervently anti-union Regan Administration, unions in general and the UMWA, in particular, have lost almost all the political clout they gathered mid-century. Not coincidentally, as coal is no longer a sure-bet industry in the state, many young people are looking elsewhere for work—West Virginia is the only state in the union to lose population over the last quarter-century.
For most West Virginians, the narrative for the state's lurch from being the bluest state to now being the reddest is easily grasped: Democrats did this to us. They promised to kill the coal industry and they did. The belief that government is the problem, not a potential solution, is widely held in the coal fields.
Of course, culture wars have played an outsize part in the state's transformation. Many West Virginians see themselves as victims--victims of Democrats trying to ram through a transition away from coal, and victims of illegal immigrants, though few immigrants make their way to the state. West Virginians are more religious than most of the rest of the country, and churchgoers get a steady drumbeat of sermons against liberals, who push New Testament values of tolerance and equity instead of Old Testament values of sin and loyalty to a flawed but God-sent leader.
Many in the state also resent their hard-earned tax dollars going to welfare cheats in other states, even though West Virginia gets far more federal tax money, in the form of disability checks and other benefits, than it pays into the system. (Almost one in five West Virginians is disabled, the highest rate of any state.)
Culture wars have always been good for coal operators, who could claim to be protecting miners from godless socialism, but in an age of social media and information silos like right-wing cable channels, even Republicans have been surprised at how easy and inexpensive it was to turn the state the brightest red.
I worked close to Blair Mountain for a year back in the 1980s and had friends all over the area. The battle wasn't much talked about as we were growing up and was never mentioned in school.
One friend and I knew we had some sort of connection through family lore, both of us coming from huge families with long memories. We kept working our way back in our genealogy until we found it. Finally, she said, "Your great-uncle shot my third-cousin!"
In her telling, one of my great-uncles was on the union side during the Blair Mountain battle, and her cousin was one of the men hired by the coal companies. I doubt that her cousin was particularly anti-union. Probably he and many others were just given $5 and a rifle and did what they were told. A man would do a lot for $5 in that place and time.
I didn't know if her story was true and there was no way to verify it--I barely recall that great-uncle and her cousin was long-dead. But there's no reason it wouldn't be true. Some West Virginians can talk about things that happened long ago as if they happened yesterday, and they were personally involved.
I wonder if those memories will ever be long enough to remember what the miners were fighting for at Blair Mountain.
Photo of miners and their families at Blair Mountain courtesy Cultural Landscape Foundation.